Philippine Independence Day Doesn't Mean the Philippines Rejects International Relations and Foreign Direct Investments

 Happy Philippine Independence Day anyone? The clamor of the Philippine Communist legal fronts such as Anakbayad, Kayabangan Partylist, Anakpatis, Lazy Filipino Students, IPOT Foundation, Bayad Muna, etc. is to "Piliin mo ang Pinas!" They may even be saying, "Choose Filipino regardless!" even if they're actually using IMPORTED PRODUCTS to promote their nonsense. Can the Philippines become a Communist state and accept FDI? The answer is a simple YES. That should be a big dirty finger from the Komunistang Sosyal to the IPOT Foundation. 

The Komunistang Sosyal would like to emphasize Vietnam as an example

Vietnam practices the Ho Chi Minh Thought - a thought rejected by the CPP-NPA. The late Joma Sison died in the Netherlands while his followers were stuck with obsolete methods. To emphasize, Filipinos traded with foreigners BEFORE it became a colony of Spain. We would like to emphasize the teachings of Uncle Ho, teachings that the CPP-NPA should've taken into heart:

Opening the door, integration for development

During his journey to seek a right revolutionary path for Vietnam, President Ho Chi Minh formed the thought on the issue of opening the door for integration.

In an article published on the L’Humanite newspaper on August 2, 1919, he wrote that in terms of principles, common progress depended on the development of internationalism and civilisation could only be beneficial when international relations were expanded and enhanced.

After the success of the 1945 August Revolution, President Ho Chi Minh considered the expansion of international relations and sending of personnel to other countries to learn advanced sciences and technologies necessary for the socioeconomic development in Việt Nam.

In his letter sent to then US Secretary of State James Byrnes on November 1, 1945, the Vietnamese leader put forth the initiative of building people-to-people diplomacy to start cooperative ties between the peoples of the Vietnam and the US.

His strategic thought on an open economy was mentioned most fully and clearly in the “Appeal to the United Nations” issued in December 1946. In this letter, he stated that with democratic countries, Vietnam was ready to carry out the open door and cooperation policy in all fields:

a. Vietnam would create favorable conditions for investment from foreign companies into all of its industries.

b. Vietnam was ready to expand ports, airports and roads for international trade and transit.

c. Vietnam accepted to take part in all international economic cooperation organisations under the leadership of the United Nations.

d. Vietnam was ready to sign special security agreements and conventions related to the use of some of its naval and air force bases with naval and ground forces within the framework of the UN. 

Throughout the revolution, those viewpoints reflected the President’s far-sighted vision.

Vietnam would eventually practice Doi Moi or restoration. The Dakilang Guro Do Muoi would soon be another thing to emphasize. Although a Communist, Do Muoi saw the power of international collaboration with the song "Le Internationale":

He became Communist party leader in 1945, and by the time he retired as general secretary in 1997, he was, at 80, older than any other serving communist leader in China, North Korea, Cuba or Laos.

Yet he was scarcely known in the west. A unique political arrangement made sure of that: ever since the death of Ho Chi Minh in 1969, Hanoi has clung to a collective leadership that prevents any one figure rising to prominence.

As a result, outsiders could rarely name him. Often, they would mix him up with doi moi, the label given to the tentative, perestroika-style economic reforms that began in the late 1980s.

This was the era in which Muoi made his mark, steering Vietnam on to the international stage after years as a virtual pariah state. Breaking with Hanoi's isolationist past, he was the first party boss to travel to non-communist states. In 1995, he made his first trip to western, democratic countries with a state visit to Australia and New Zealand at the age of 78.

His fondness for tightly buttoned Mao suits and a spartan lifestyle made him seem like a tough ideologue. In fact, he was a wily pragmatist who never lost his crude faith in the primacy of party rule as he tried to balance economic liberalisation with continued political control.

Muoi was born into peasant stock in northern Vietnam and spent his teens as a freelance housepainter.

His itinerant lifestyle helped him to recruit peasants to the revolutionary cause and he was admitted to the Communist party of Indochina in 1936.

Five years later he was arrested by the French and jailed in what became the infamous “Hanoi Hilton” — Hoa Lo — prison for downed US fighter pilots. He escaped to the jungles of northern Vietnam, masterminding the harassment of French troops along a highway linking Hanoi with the strategic port of Haiphong.

After the partition of Vietnam in 1954 into Ho Chi Minh's North Vietnam and the French-backed Saigon regime, Muoi set about purging private businesses and nationalising factories in Haiphong.

Then, his biography falls virtually silent. Nothing is known of his role if any in the Vietnam war. There is some evidence that he may have suffered a prolonged nervous breakdown, shuttling to and from China for treatment.

With the fall of Saigon in 1975, however, he re-emerged to mastermind “industrialisation” in the southern part of a now-unified Vietnam. Muoi led convoys of youths into the centre of the city, smashing into factories, seizing assets and taking control of banks in a frenzy of nationalisation that made him instantly and enduringly unpopular in the south.

Despite the failure of nationalisation and the great economic cost to Vietnam in the year that followed, Muoi rose, unremarkably, through the ranks. One of his tasks as minister of construction was building the grim, granite mausoleum where the embalmed body of Ho Chi Minh is displayed to passing tourists.

He never lost his drive or his belief in the communist system, even after the shock of the Soviet collapse.

The Komunistang Sosyal would like to emphasize how accepting FDI doesn't equal giving up national sovereignty. It's ironic that Filipino Communists want to create a Pinoy Pride Communist Utopia. If only they studied the flaws behind the Great Leap Forward. Mao Zedong was a great military leader but a poor economist. Deng Xiaoping is a great leader that made Communism work better in China.

More and more investors go to Vietnam. However, Vietnam is still an INDEPENDENT ENTITY. It's because Vietnam is still control of its Communist state. FDIs are just like tenants - they must pay fees if they desire to do business. In this case, FDIs are still subjected to taxes and rental of government land. 

The long-term plan is all about the Internationale 

Communism is a foreign concept after all. We need to see that the Internationale is about uniting the HUMAN RACE - not just Filipinos. The plan for economic charter change should be done. Charter change is needed to flip the Philippines away from the democrazy called the 1987 Constipation to a new Communist charter. But this Communist Charter will follow the use of Doi Moi and Communism with Chinese Characteristics as its guiding principles.

Specialists from the University of Economics-Ho Chi Minh City (UEH) and the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union (HCYU) are needed. It would be best to invite the specialists from UEH and the HCYU to debate with IPOT Foundation and Kayabangan Partylist. Vietnam has been more open to FDI than the Philippines. The Komunistang Sosyal believes that IPOT Foundation holds an erroneous view of FDI. Apparently, the IPOT Foundation thinks FDIs also include OFW remittances, Filipinas dating foreigners, foreign loans (which is even vastly different), and accepting invaders. The UEH and the HCYU must laugh at both IPOT and Kayabangan. 

The Komunistang Sosyal rejects the CPP-NPA for its obsolete views. Juche didn't work. Khmer Roughe didn't work. The Great Leap Forward was a blot to Communism. Thankfully, Deng launched the real Great Leap Forward. Sure, we honor Mao's military genius but not his economic policies. Doi Moi and Communism with Chinese Characteristics is the way to go. 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union Emphasizes the Importance of the Communist High School Graduation Exam

Miss Vietnam 2024: The Lovely Youth Recruiter Nguyen Cao Ky Duyen

Next Focus: Vietnam's Socialist Economics on Focus